Shadows Behind the Flag
In 007: First Light, the woman first introduced as Isola — Italian for “island” — sparked plenty of speculation. I personally shared two common theories: that she might have Italian roots, or a connection to Webb Industries, the still-undefined organization glimpsed in early footage.
The Gamescom demo, however, swept those theories aside. She is Charlotte Roth, a field agent of the DGSE, France’s external intelligence service.
Her reveal was unexpected, but her presence is impossible to overlook — focused, assertive, and always in control. There’s a certain clarity, even ruthlessness, in how she acts. That immediately raises the question: is Roth simply efficient, or is she willing to cross lines others wouldn’t? For a young and still-impressionable James Bond, such a figure could prove formative — for better or worse.
The DGSE itself has a history that mirrors this ambiguity. One mission in particular shows just how far the agency has been willing to go in the name of national interest.
Opération Satanique – The Secret Mission That Sank the Rainbow Warrior
In July 1985, Greenpeace’s flagship, the Rainbow Warrior, docked at Marsden Wharf in Auckland. Its mission was non-violent: to lead a flotilla of small vessels protesting French nuclear testing at Mururoa Atoll. The crew consisted of environmental activists and journalists aiming to raise international awareness, not to confront France militarily.
On the night of 10 July 1985, the ship was targeted by limpet mines attached by divers. The first explosion occurred at 11:38 p.m., followed by a second at 11:45 p.m. Most crew members escaped, but Dutch photographer Fernando Pereira drowned after returning to his cabin. The sinking of a civilian protest vessel by state agents was widely regarded as disproportionate to the threat Greenpeace posed.
The DGSE – Partout où nécessité fait loi
The Direction Générale de la Sécurité Extérieure (DGSE) was created in 1982, replacing the SDECE as part of a modernization of French intelligence. Unlike Britain’s MI6, which answers to the Foreign Office, the DGSE reports to the Ministry of Armed Forces, giving it a more militarized character.
By the mid-1980s, the DGSE employed several thousand staff — estimates range up to 7,000 personnel, including around 1,000 military officers. Its Action Division specialized in covert missions such as sabotage, exfiltration, and paramilitary operations. Authorization for such operations ultimately rested with the President of the Republic, via the Prime Minister and Defense Minister. Later accounts indicated that President François Mitterrand personally authorized the mission against the Rainbow Warrior.
The agency’s official motto, “Partout où nécessité fait loi” — “Wherever necessity is law” — encapsulates this ethos. It highlights the DGSE’s readiness to operate beyond conventional legal and diplomatic boundaries whenever France’s national interests were judged to be at stake.
Political Fallout
New Zealand police arrested DGSE officers Dominique Prieur and Alain Mafart, who had posed as Swiss tourists. They were convicted of manslaughter and arson and sentenced to ten years’ imprisonment. Initially, France denied involvement, but on 22 September 1985, Prime Minister Laurent Fabius publicly admitted:
“Agents of the DGSE sank this ship. They acted on orders.”
The reaction was swift. Prime Minister David Lange described the act as “a sordid act of international state-backed terrorism.” International press coverage underscored the disproportionate use of force: The New York Times called it “a reckless and arrogant violation of international law,” while Le Monde wrote that France had undermined its democratic principles by waging “a clandestine war against peaceful demonstrators.”
A UN-brokered arbitration in 1986 required France to pay approximately USD 8.16 million to Greenpeace, as well as reparations to New Zealand and Pereira’s family. The two imprisoned agents were transferred to a French base on Hao Atoll as part of the settlement and later repatriated, which further strained relations.
Could MI6 Have Done the Same?
Historically, Britain’s Secret Intelligence Service (MI6) was familiar with sabotage through its wartime partner, the Special Operations Executive (SOE). By the 1980s, however, MI6’s focus had shifted to intelligence collection, clandestine diplomacy, and liaison with allied services under the authority of the Foreign Office. Political oversight and ministerial responsibility significantly limited the agency’s freedom of action compared with the DGSE.
This distinction was codified in the Intelligence Services Act 1994. Section 7 — often called the “James Bond clause” — permits ministers to authorize MI6 officers to break foreign laws in pursuit of national security, but only with explicit ministerial approval. The framework emphasized accountability and formal authorization for covert action. Unlike Operation Satanic, no comparable case exists in which MI6 sabotaged a civilian vessel in neutral waters during peacetime; analysts generally conclude such an operation would have been politically unfeasible and legally indefensible under the UK’s oversight system.
The DGSE Since 1985
In the decades after the Auckland incident, the DGSE has been credited with disrupting terrorist networks in France and abroad, supporting NATO operations, and contributing intelligence in counterterrorism efforts in regions such as the Sahel. These activities are typically less visible to the public than the high-profile scandal of 1985, but they form a significant part of France’s contemporary security posture.
Sources
- NZ History – Sinking the Rainbow Warrior
- Greenpeace – Bombing of the Rainbow Warrior (Fact File)
- BBC News (2005) – Mitterrand ‘ordered’ Rainbow Warrior attack
- Le Monde (1985) – Contemporary coverage
- The New York Times (1985) – French Admit Role in Rainbow Warrior Bombing
- UN Arbitration – Rainbow Warrior Case (1986), R.I.A.A. Vol. XX
- UK Legislation – Intelligence Services Act 1994
- French Ministry of Armed Forces – DGSE overview
- The Guardian (2015) – French spy apologises for lethal bombing